Statement
on Mr. Gandhi’s attitude at the Round Table Conference towards the untouchables
and their demand for Constitutional Safeguards, 19th September 1932.
I
need hardly say that I was astounded to read the correspondence between Mahatma
Gandhi, Sir Samuel Hoare and the Prime Minister, which was published recently
in the Papers, in which he has expressed his determination to starve himself
unto death till the British Government of its own accord or under pressure of
public opinion revise their opinion and withdraw their scheme of communal
representation for the Depressed Classes. The unenviable position, in which I
have been placed by the Mahatma’s vow of self-immolation, can easily be
imagined.
It
passes my comprehension why Mr. Gandhi should stake his life on an issue
arising out of the communal question which he, at the Round Table Conference,
said was one of a comparatively small importance. Indeed, to adopt the language
of those of Mr. Gandhi’s way of thinking, the communal question was only an
appendix to the book of India’s constitution and not the main chapter. It would
have been justifiable if Mr.Gandhi had resorted to this extreme step for
obtaining independence for the country on which he was so insistent all through
the R.T.C. debates. It is also a painful surprise that Mr.Gandhi should single
out special representation for the Depressed Classes in the Communal Award as
an excuse for his self-immolation. Separate electorates are granted not only to
the Depressed Classes, but to the Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians, Europeans,
as well as the Mohammedans and the Sikhs. Also, separate Electorates are
granted to landlords, labourers and traders. Mr. Gandhi had declared his
opposition to the special representation of every other class and creed except the
Mohamedans and the Sikhs. All the same, Mr. Gandhi chooses to let everybody
else except the Depressed Classes retain the special electorates given to them.
The
fears expressed by Mr.Gandhi about the consequences of the arrangements for the
representation of the Depressed Classes are, in my opinion, purely imaginary.
If the nation is not going to be split up by separate electorates to the
Mohamedans and the Sikhs, the Hindu society cannot be said to be split up if
the Depressed classes are given separate electorates. His conscience is not
aroused if the nation is split by the arrangements of special electorates for
classes and communities other than the Depressed Classes.
I
am sure many have felt that if there was any class which deserved to be given
special political rights in order to protect itself against the tyranny of the
majority under the Swaraj Constitution it was the depressed classes. Here is a
class which is undoubtedly not in a position to sustain itself in the struggle
for existence. The religion to which they are tied, instead of providing for
them an honourable place, brands them as lepers, not fit for ordinary
intercourse. Economically, it is a class entirely dependent upon the high-caste
Hindus for earning its daily bread with no independent way of living open to
it. All ways are not closed by reason of the social prejudices of the Hindus
but there is a definite attempt all through out the Hindu society to bolt every
possible door so as not to allow the Depressed Classes any opportunity to rise
in the scale of life. Indeed it would not be an exaggeration to say that in
every village the caste Hindus, however divided among themselves, are always in
a standing conspiracy to put down in a merciless manner any attempt on the part
of the Depressed Classes who form a small and scattered body of an ordinary
Indian citizen.
In
these circumstances, it would be granted by all fair-minded persons that as the
only path for a community so handicapped to succeed in the struggle for life
against organized tyranny, some share of political power in order that it may
protect itself is a paramount necessity.
I
should have thought that a well-wisher of the Depressed Classes would have
fought tooth and nail for securing to them as much political power as might be
possible in the new Constitution. But the Mahatma’s ways of thinking are
strange and are certainly beyond my comprehension. He not only does not
endeavour to augment the scanty political power which the Depressed Classes
have got under the communal award, but on the contrary he has staked his very
life in order to deprive them of little they have got. This is not the first
attempt on the part of the Mahatma to completely dish the Depressed Classes out
of political existence. Long before, there was the Minorities pact. The Mahatma
tried to enter into an agreement with the Muslims and the Congress. He offered
to the Muslims all the fourteen claims which they had put forth on their
behalf, and in return asked them to join with him in resisting the claims for
social representation made by me on behalf of the Depressed Classes.
It
must be said to the credit of the Muslim Delegates, that they refused to be a
party to such a black act, and saved the Depressed Class from what might as
well have developed into a calamity for them as a result of the combined
opposition of the Mohammedans and Mr.Gandhi.
I
am unable to understand the ground of hostility of Mr.Gandhi to the Communal
Award. He says that the Communal Award has separated the Depressed Classes from
the Hindu Community. On the other hand, Mr.Moonje, a much stronger protagonist
of the Hindu case and a militant advocate of its interests, takes a totally
different view of the matter. In the speeches which he has been delivering
since his arrival from London, Dr.Moonje has been insisting that the Communal
Award does not create any separation between the Depressed Classes and the
Hindus. Indeed, he has been boasting that he has defeated me in my attempt to
politically separate the Depressed Class from the Hindus. I am sure that
Dr.Moonje is right in his interpretation of the Communal Award although, I am
not sure that the credit of it can legitimately go to Mr.Moonje. It is
therefore surprising that Mahatma Gandhi who is a nationalist and not known to
be a communalist should read the Communal Award, in so far as it relates to the
Depressed Classes, in a manner quite contrary to that of a communalist like
Mr.Moonje. If Dr.Moonje does not sense any separation of the Depressed Classes
from the Hindus in the Communal Award the Mahatma ought to feel quite satisfied
on that score.
In
my opinion, that Communal Award should not only satisfy the Hindus, but also
satisfy those individuals among the Depressed Classes such as Rao Bahadur
Rajah, Mr.Baloo or Mr.Gavai, who are in favour of Joint Electorates. Mr.Rajah’s
fulminations in the Assembly have amused me considerably. An intense supporter
of Separate Electorates and the bitterest and the most vehement critic of caste
Hindu tyranny, now professes faith in the Joint Electorates and love for the
Hindus! How much of that is due to his natural desire to resuscitate himself
from the oblivion in which he was cast by his being kept out of the Round Table
Conference and how much of it is to his honest change of faith, I do not
propose to discuss.
The
points on which Mr.Rajah is harping by way of criticism on the Communal Award
are two: One is that the Depressed Classes have gained lesser number of seats
than they are entitled to on the population basis, and the other is that the
Depressed Classes have been separated from the Hindu fold.
I
agree in his first grievance, but when the Rao Bahadur begins to accuse those
who represented the Depressed Classes at the R.T.C. for having sold their
rights, I am bound to point out what Mr.Rajah did as a member of the Indian
Central Committee. In that committee’s report, the Depressed Classes were given
in Madras 10 seats out of 150; in Bombay 8 seats out of 14; in Bengal 8 seats
our of 200; in U.P. 8 seats our of 182; in the Punjab 6 seats out of 150; in
Bihar and Orissa 6 out of 150; in C.P. 8 out of 125; and in Assam 9 seats for
the Depressed Classes and the indigenous and primitive races out of 75. I do
not wish to overburden this statement by pointing out how this distribution
compares with the population ratio. But there can be no doubt that this meant a
terrible under-representation of the Depressed Classes. To this distribution of
seats Mr.Rajah was a party. Surely, Mr.Rajah, before he criticizes the Communal
Award and accuses others, should refresh his memory of what he accepted as
Member of the Indian Central Committee on behalf of the Depressed Classes
without any protest. If the population ratio of representation was to him a
natural right of Depressed Classes and its full realization was to him a
necessity for their protection, why did not Mr.Rajah insist upon it in the
Central Committee when he had the opportunity to do so?
As
to his contention that in the Communal Award, the Depressed Classes have been
separated from the Hindus, it is a view to which I cannot subscribe. If Mr.
Rajah has any conscientious objection to separate electorates, there is no
compulsion on him to stand as a candidate in the Separate Electorates. The
opportunity to stand as a candidate in the general electorate as well as the
right to vote in it are there, and Mr.Rajah is free to avail himself of the
same. Mr.Rajah is crying at the top of his voice to assure to the Depressed
Classes that there is a complete change of heart on the part of the Caste
Hindus towards the Depressed Classses. He will have the opportunity to prove that
fact to the satisfaction of the Depressed Class, who are not prepared to take
his word by getting himself elected in the general constituency. The Hindus who
profess love and sympathy for the Depressed Classes, will have also an
opportunity to prove their bona fides by electing Mr.Rajah to the legislature.
The
Communal Award, therefore, in my opinion, satisfied both those who want
separate Electorates and those who want joint electorates. In this sense, it is
already a compromise and should be accepted as it is. As to the Mahatma, I do
not know what he wants. It is assumed that although Mahatma Gandhi is opposed
to the system of separate electorates, he is not opposed to the system of Joint
electorates and Reserved Seats, That is a gross error. Whatever his views are
today, while in London he was totally opposed to any system of Social
representation for the Depressed Classes whether by Joint electorates or by
Separate Electorates. Beyond the right to vote in a general electorate based
upon Adult suffrage, he was not prepared to concede anything to the Depressed
Classes by way of securing their representation in the legislatures. This was
the position he had taken at first. Towards the end of R.T.C. he suggested to
me a scheme, which he said, he was prepared to consider. The scheme was purely
conventional without any constitutional sanction behind it and without any
single seat being reserved for the Depressed Classes in the electoral law.
The scheme was as follows:
Depressed
Class candidates might stand in the general electorate as against other high
caste Hindu candidates. If any Depressed Class Candidate was defeated in the
Election, he should file an election petition and obtain the verdict that he
was defeated because he was an untouchable. If such a decision was obtained,
the Mahatma said he would undertake to induce some Hindu members to resign and
thus create a vacancy. There would be then another election in which the
defeated Depressed Class candidate or any other Depressed Class candidate might
again try his luck as against the Hindu candidates. Should he be defeated
again, he should get similar verdict that he was defeated because he was an
untouchable and so on ad infinitum. I am disclosing these facts as some people
are even now under the impression that the Joint Electorates and Reserved Seats
would satisfy the conscience of the Mahatma. This will show why I insist that
there is no use discussing the question until the actual proposals of the
Mahatma are put forth.
I must, however, point out that I
cannot accept the assurances of the Mahatma that he and his Congress will do
the needful. I cannot leave so important a question as the protection of my
people to conventions and understandings. The Mahatma is not an immortal
person, and the Congress, assuming it is not a malevolent force, is not to have
an abiding existence. There have been many Mahatmas in India whose sole object
was to remove untouchability and to elevate and absorb the Depressed Classes,
but every one of them has failed in his mission. Mahatmas have come and
Mahatmas have gone but the untouchables have remained as untouchables.
I
have enough experience of the pace of Reform and the faith of Hindu reformers
in the conflicts that have taken place at Mahad and Nasik, to say that no
well-wisher of the Depressed Classes will ever consent to allow the uplift of
the Depressed Classes to rest upon such treacherous shoulders. Reformers who in
moments of crises prefer to sacrifice their principles rather than hurt the
feelings of their kindred can be of no use to the Depressed Classes.
I
am therefore bound to insist upon a statutory guarantee for the protection of
my people. If Mr.Gandhi wishes to have the Communal Award altered, it is for
him to put forth his proposals and to prove that they give a better guarantee
than has been given to us under the Award.
I
hope that the Mahatma will desist from carrying out the extreme step
contemplated by him. We mean no harm to the Hindu Society, when we demand
separate electorates. If we choose separate electorates, we do so in order to
avoid the total dependence on the sweet will of the caste Hindus in matters
affecting our destiny. Like the mahatma we can claim our right to err, and we
expect him not to deprive us of that right. His determination to fast himself
unto death is worthy of a far better cause. I could have understood the
propriety of the Mahatma contemplating such extreme step for stopping riots
between Hindus and Mohammedans or between the Depressed Classes and the Hindus
or any other national cause. It certainly cannot improve the lot of the
Depressed Classes. Whether he knows it or not, the Mahatma’s act will result in
nothing but terrorism by his followers against the Depressed Classes all over
the country.
Coercion
of this sort will not win the Depressed Classes to the Hindu fold if they are
determined to go out. And if the Mahatma chooses to ask the Depressed Classes
to make a choice between Hindu faith and possession of political power, I am
quite sure that the Depressed Classes will choose political power and save the
Mahatma from self-immolation. If Mr. Gandhi coolly reflects on the consequences
of his act, I very much doubt whether he will find this victory worth having.
It is still more important to note that the Mahatma is releasing reactionary
and uncontrollable forces, and is fostering the spirit of hatred between the
Hindu Community and the Depressed Classes by resorting to this method and
thereby widening the gulf between the two. When I opposed Mr. Gandhi at the
R.T.C there was a hue and cry against me in the country and there was a
conspiracy in the so-called nationalist press to represent me as a traitor to
the nationalist cause, to suppress correspondence coming from my side and to
boost the propaganda against my party by publishing exaggerated reports of
meetings and conferences, many of which were never held. “Silver bullets” were
freely used for creating divisions in the ranks of the Depressed Classes. There
have also been a few clashes ending in violence.
If
the Mahatma does not want all this to be repeated on a larger scale, let him,
for God’s sake, reconsider his decision and avert the disastrous consequences.
I believe the Mahatma does not want this. But if he does not desist, in spite
of his wishes these consequences are sure to follow as night follows the day.
Before
concluding this statement, I desire to assure the public that although I am
entitled to say that I regard the matter as closed, I am prepared to consider
the proposals of the Mahatma. I, however, trust the Mahatma will not drive me
to the necessity of making a choice between his life and the rights of my
people. For I can never consent to deliver my people bound hand and foot to the
Caste Hindus for generations to come.
—
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
